我们为什么怀念民国那个乱世,归根结底在于两个字:自由

我们为什么怀念民国那个乱世,归根结底在于两个字:自由

2016-03-21 世界政商观察

战乱纷争的民国不是天堂,在民国的中国人,天天抱怨这个国家。但民国有自由,人民可以自己办报纸,自己办出版社,可以结社,可以随便看什么书,不受政府干涉。当然,也可以骂政府,骂官员,即使骂到最高领导头上,也无大碍。人们现在怀念民国,其实就是在怀念自由。——张鸣

 
一种趣味、一种风尚、一种美学

——陈丹青民国答问录

百年过去,中国人的人类学特征发生了断裂式的显著改变。龙种与跳蚤更替,人格与国格消长。回望民国,就是回望一段离我们最近的“大历史”——虽已“绝圣弃智”,却又气息延绵。

看民国风景,有历史、有人物、有景观、有文争武斗、有生活方式,归根结底,是生活方式。思想激变,生活方式亦随之激变。这是一段“过激”的历史,人人慨当以慷、个个向死而生。

民国人的精神、气节、面貌、习性、礼仪,因之而带有“民国范儿”。既便在老相片中发黄,仍一望可知。

今天,讨论民国范儿,是讨论曾经存在过的一种趣味、一种风尚和一种美学。

民国范儿是个什么范儿
(第一代第二代中共高层站那儿,就是一群民国人。清末民初,中国民间冒死犯禁的猛人太多了,成了要命的基因遗传。那年《色·戒》播映,我遇见余光中夫妇,余夫人说,我们民国的女子是有烈性的。)

《新周刊》:在一次交谈中,您提示说,民国范儿并不像现在的影视剧那样,但可以到民国电影中去找,请进一步说说。
陈丹青:我喜欢看样子。所谓“民国范儿”,先是一种“样子”吧,和如今满眼所见不一样。今人要“看”民国,只能是照片和影像了。去年的电视剧《潜伏》,有点像的,但民国的真滋味还在民国老电影:《马路天使》、《小城之春》、《神女》,《一江春水向东流》……那时的导演和演员不知道什么“民国范儿”,他出来就是啊。

你们《新周刊》今年发了一幅难得的照片,是胡适在美做大使,几个绅士淑女围着他,各人的装扮,姿态,室内的陈设,全是对的——单是这张照片,可写一篇民国与共和国文化差异的大论文——可是拍摄那一刻,他们哪在乎民国不民国。现在各驻外使馆,你见过吗?

近年拍的所谓主旋律电影,那份肉麻,我宁可看五六十年代的《南征北战》、《鸡毛信》、《董存瑞》,一股活气:那才是货真价实的革命电影。“革命范儿”,也早没啦。你听听现在唱的老歌红歌革命歌,别说装腔,靡靡之音也不如,那是革命的自我调戏、自我作贱啊。

正宗的革命范儿,是民国之前,当时俗称“革命党”。革命党闹革命,没功夫弄文艺,所以民国文艺倒是民间生发的,有感情,有豪气,但是没党气。听过1953年前后电影《上甘岭》里的大合唱《我的祖国》吗?至今还是歌颂共和国的压轴曲:
一条大河波浪宽,
风吹稻花香两岸,
我家就在岸上住,
听惯了艄公的号子,看惯了船上的白帆……

这种歌词的写法、爱国的爱法,其实是民国的。当时的词曲作者与合唱演员,歌声里那种情感,也是民国式的,此后这等朴素真挚的歌词硬就是写不出来——到六七十年代,革命歌一股戾气,现在的唱法,那是又土又俗的妖气了。

《新周刊》:我们想象中的民国范儿属于一种误读?您曾经说,民国范儿到1966年才结束,中共高层都有民国范儿。

陈丹青:别以为民国范儿属于“反动派”,弄得装扮蒋介石毛人凤的演员们挤眉弄眼瞎琢磨,其实第一代第二代中共高层站那儿,就是一群民国人。毛泽东1893年生,民国元年19岁,1949年56岁。你把50年代中南海照片和国民政府的黑白照片对比看,何应钦啊、李宗仁啊……党气虽有不同,“范儿” 大致一类。国共两度合作,原是同学同事关系,平时隔壁邻居,白天在同一个办公室上班,追同一个女子,一家两代就有两党:邵力子傅作义陈布雷的儿女,都是中共的人。蒋经国在苏联还写过公开信声讨他爹。

两党作风彻底改变,是到文革了。部分原因是服装的变化。蒋比毛早走一年,同期的照片,蒋宋夫妇穿中山装和旗袍,大陆这边,毛江二位忽然穿上解放军绿军装,那是共产党自己设计的,民国时期,我军军装就是国军军装嘛,只是朴素破旧一点,几位大帅不戴美式大盖帽而已。我军是到攻占东北后才设计自己的军装样式吧,这要考证,我不清楚。然而服装和扮相是要命的事情。20年代的热血青年向往一套北伐军装,40年代的时髦小子穿美式大衣,60年代末,哪个红卫兵小子穿一套黄里泛白的解放军旧军装,姑娘瞧见,就扛不住了。美国普普艺术和法国学生运动都把绿军装视为红色中国的符号,80年代崔健单挑绿军装上台喊摇滚,不是没道理,照符号学观点,那才是正宗共和国小子,一无所有。

你会说,服装不能代替气质,没错。国民党元老不去说了,共产党起事那拨人,都是有脸有谱的范儿。

如今的军政舞台,你排几个像样的脸谱给历史看看。1949年第一届政协会议老照片,我从毛周身后的人缝里仔细瞧,各省民主党派那些老人的面相架势,如虎如豹,都是真角色,满以为从此可以协商下去呢。后来一批批蔫了,但譬如章士钊,还给用着,还常活动:早先他是陈独秀的辩护律师,又暗送经费给毛润之,念老交情,文革初他还试图协调毛刘关系,文革中期周恩来安排他密使香港和国民党人员接洽……

文革后,民国“范儿”沉渣泛起了:很多民国老人都还活着呢。

《新周刊》:依您总结,民国范儿是个什么范儿?

陈丹青:1979年我在北京的什么演出场合远远看见当时的全国侨联主席廖承志。迟到了,穿着肥大宽松的中山装裤,一脸疲倦而宽厚的官相,被前呼后拥走过座位当中的通道,和人握手点头,谈笑风生,十足像个老爷。你想啊,虽然他在共和国做了30年大官,但他爹是民国元老,他是第一代民国老革命的公子哥,大少爷,从小看惯两党大老,自是民国的气度。前年读到一篇他的下属的回忆,果然说他一天到晚开玩笑,为此还做检讨,检讨时仍旧开玩笑,说是临死前再说一句,逗大家笑笑,然后跳进棺材去。

这就是民国范儿。如今的高官会是这般做人说话吗?

老牌共产党员有的是这范儿。单是特科系统,李克农喜欢养狗打猎;康生在延安穿美式皮夹克,还精于搜刮文玩;最近去世的漫画家华君武也会打扮,叼个烟斗,皮大衣敞着,雪白的羊毛围巾,他在延安时期的照片穿着破棉袄,可是一脸神色是上海滩前卫艺术家公子哥;周恩来不必说了,重庆南京时期,70年代中美建交时期,美国人见那范儿,就有认同感。周的父祖辈是被选派迎候南巡圣上的地方豪绅,所以这位“无产阶级革命家”其实是晚清的世家子弟。如今外交官见外宾,全套西装领带,头发专门弄过,还是又土又木讷,放不开。前中共退休外交官吴建民指说驻外官员说话言语贫乏,其实很难怪的:20年来,再高层的官员学者也是小科员一路看眼色混上来,谈吐气象,自是不济。

但民国范儿并不单指权贵,而是各色人等坦然率真那股劲。民国前后出来举事的家伙,敢作敢为,有豪情,有胆气。成败不论,忠奸另说,譬如汪兆铭,诗词了得,美少年,居然弄炸弹,搞暗杀(蔡元培也干过同样的事),捉住判死,清朝官员念他才俊,给他免了——清朝的范儿也是性情毕露啊——再譬如胡兰成,浙江乡村穷孩子,学历背景全没有,出来指点江山,有学问有文采。现在嵊县胡村出来个穷小子,也就是打打工,写写手机短信吧……民初张国焘陈公博他们去广州,年纪轻轻,满脑子革命见解,廖仲恺,就是廖承志他爹,干瘦老头,直接带着小伙子进国民政府面见孙中山,说是你们讲讲吧,什么主张,他们就冲着国父大大咧咧说。民国的有志青年见了大人物,心里脸上,没遮拦。五四那天,张国焘为首的学生队伍准备前往天安门,校长蔡元培出面劝说,给小张跑上来一把挡开,领着队伍就出校门了。

抗战之际,群情滔滔,也是蔡元培出面申说政府万难,结果学生竟然拥上去拖着打。蔡先生是怎样的资格与人格?经此一事,身心倶伤。

清末民初,中国民间冒死犯禁的猛人太多了,成了要命的基因遗传,1949年后,遗传错位了。林昭,1957年阳谋初起,没她的事,实在因为看不过所谓右派同学被围攻,忽然她就跳上桌面,大声喝断,和那些围攻者激辩,还当场念古诗。你想想,一个苏州的女子,二十几岁,浑身是民国的刚烈,她的上代就有民国的烈士,而她后来果真拿命抵了自己这股气。她在狱中也有柔弱愁惨之时,留有诗文,言辞凄然,情同秋瑾姑娘——共和国时期多少不安分的少年,包括部分红卫兵,都以为是在继承先烈遗志,都有一脑门子被灌输的革命记忆,谁也不会想到那是民国记忆,他们仿效崇敬的中共烈士,是民国范儿啊。

那年《色·戒》播映,我遇见余光中夫妇,余夫人说,我们民国的女子是有烈性的。《色·戒》那位烈女子的上代,也是烈士,和林昭一样,一门之中,两代人喋血成仁。

现在的70后80后总算摆脱这致命的记忆了。掐断历史是要动刀的。张志新喉管给切了,但你知道林昭的待遇吗:她在单人囚禁时整天叫骂,狱卒专门制作一个头套,封住她的嘴脸,吃饭时解开,饭后再给严严实实套上,睡觉时也戴着。指挥家陆洪恩当庭叫骂,直接把他的嘴撕了,去刑场路中再给击落下腭,发不出声。切喉管是医学进步,并不止张志新,1979年我看过官方报道,总共40多人犯被切割,其中包括文革后执行死刑的人。

古典文化转换的国家景观
(民国作为国体,是短命的,粗糙的,未完成的,是被革命与战祸持续中断的褴褛过程,然而唯其短暂,这才可观。一个现代国家现代文明的大致框架,就是那不到30年间奠定的,岂可小看。)

《新周刊》:民国若是个时间定义,从1912年开始到1949年就结束了。若是个空间定义,它气息未绝。您是如何定义民国的?

陈丹青:民国那股气,不是民国才有。清灭了,但是清朝上溯整个古代的那种士子气,那股饱满的民风,其实都在,都顺到民国来了。民国是新朝,是古老国家的庞大转型,民气格外强旺,不然哪来那么多前仆后继的乱党和烈士。关于清末民初的叙述,解放后弄得只剩鲁迅一个文本:在他的小说里,那个时代暮气沉沉,老朽不堪,可是你想想清末革命党那份嚣张、那份咄咄逼人,康、梁,还有徐锡麟、谭嗣同,舍我其谁,敢作敢当,是个腐朽时代的征象么?鲁迅自己,说话之猛,诅咒之毒,又岂是孱弱的国民所能为。他曾形容神州大地是“无声的中国”,其实在他的时代,中国吵闹得很哩。1915年胡适回国后,上下古今发议论,才二十六七岁,成名后每周择一日,家门敞开,各色人等进去和他摆龙门阵。今之网友或许讥为作秀,可今人哪来那股阳气。现在二十六七岁的博士生留学生,也就整天缠绕论文格式,排列关键词。

民国作为国体,是短命的,粗糙的,未完成的,是被革命与战祸持续中断的褴褛过程,然而唯其短暂,这才可观。一个现代国家现代文明的大致框架,就是那不到30年间奠定的,岂可小看。单说民国的大学教育,今时休想望其项背,当年浙江的中小学教师是李叔同丰子恺叶圣陶,绍兴镇的中学校长,会是周树人。近时读出版业巨子张元济往事,他好像是前清的举人吧,1949年新政权催其北上共与国是,老先生既疑且惧,几度上书推却,用的是汉赋的辞令……民国是丰富的,是古典文化大规模转换的国家景观,回首前瞻,与传统、与世界,两不隔绝。只可惜民国的整体风范,民国的集体人格,才告确立,才有模样,就中止了,改道了,无可挽回。

民国的前因,是在清代——清晚期,所谓白话文,所谓现代传媒、现代教育、现代习俗、现代价值观,包括初期工业、交通、邮政、商业等等,都出现了 ——民国的后果,则延伸到1949年之后。气数断绝,那要到文革了。毛泽东说:文革是共产党对国民党,无产阶级对资产阶级的继续斗争。我小孩子听着,吓得出汗,我们不是戴着红领巾天天升旗举手要接班吗,怎么还没斗完,现在想想,他很清楚,1949年前认识他、了解他,与他平视平坐的许许多多老辈,都还活着哪。

我是到了90年代回国一看,才回过神来:我小时候,从50年代到70年代,甚至部分80年代,满大街是民国人(十三届三中全会主席台上,以邓小平为首的第二代领导人,包括彭真李先念杨尚昆等八老,哪个不是民国人?)很简单,我辈的家长,民国青年,我辈的中小学老师,还是民国青年。为什么大家怀念 80年代恢复高考后的大学教育?原因固然很多,关键一条,那时各大学主要教授都是民国的文人。我上美院时,左翼老前辈如鲁迅的学生江丰,为聂耳填词的许幸之,都还在食堂打饭吃,北京城里,梁漱溟钱锺书沈从文杨宪益,都好好活着呢。现在毛主席应该放心了:他的同代人都死了。

要说空间定义,除了殖民时期建筑和古代建筑,全国目前可看经看的楼宇殿堂,譬如清华、燕京(即今之北大)、北师大,南京的中央大学(即今之复名的东南大学),武汉大学,中山大学,当然,还有中山陵,大部分是民国人设计的。这些年有钱了,中国的大学建筑张牙舞爪,不伦不类,哪像是斯文之地。

再者,话语算不算空间?所谓白话文,现在公认最好的白话写作是在民国,而民国上乘的白话文是清末旧白话,渊源上溯宋明。1949年后,尤其是1979年迄今的白话文,白是白了,然而无文,眼下你举得出一位文体家么?这是大题目,还得另说。

张鸣口述:五光十色说民国
人人都特立独行,有时特立得崇高,有时特立得猥琐。牛人被埋没不了,没人因为你牛而压制你,压也压不住。但凡有非常异议可怪之论的人物,或多或少都能得到一份尊重。

民国史北洋时期,给人的印象,就是乱,眼花缭乱。十几场仗同时开打,几十个人物上上下下,说东道西。北洋统治不足16年,光元首就换了好几位,袁世凯、黎元洪、徐世昌、曹锟、段祺瑞、张作霖。至于内阁,就像走马灯一样,平均一年换好几届。当过总理的人,能编一个加强排。真是乱哄哄你方唱罢我登场,其实,大家还都没唱完,观众连角儿都没看清楚,就换人了,跑龙套的,就更无所谓了。

那个时代,有自律甚严的军阀,比如吴佩孚;也有浑身流气的军阀,比如张宗昌;有人办大学,办得有模有样,比如张学良、唐继尧;有人搞实业,比如张作霖、刘湘、刘文辉;有人搞农村建设,比如阎锡山;很正面,很值得说。但也有人滥发军用票,胡乱征税,田赋预征到了21世纪,强迫人民种鸦片,种得本土鸦片到处都是,进口的印度烟土没人要了,彻底实现鸦片的国产化。连军阀里面,信仰都五光十色,有信仰社会主义的陈炯明,也有信基督的冯玉祥,还有信佛的唐生智和信道的刘湘。

知识界也是如此,有学问大的泰斗,也有混饭吃的南郭先生。好大学办得可以跟西方比肩,烂的野鸡大学也比比皆是。同样是海归,有名副其实的名牌学子,也有克莱登大学的高足。自由主义流行,保守主义也流行,连马克思主义,一度都是学界的时髦,历史界不搞唯物史观,大家都看不起。

至于风光无限的媒体,更是这样,有引领潮流的大公报、申报,也有专门登载明星绯闻的晶报。媒体人有志向高远,参与政治谋划的高人,也有专门泡胡同,寻找花边新闻的里手。张季鸾的社评,每每耸动天下,但晶报的流言蜚语,也照样能害死阮玲玉。一般的上海老百姓,还就是喜欢后面的花边,不乐闻大公报的高论。

色彩斑斓的时代
那个时代,演戏的喜欢谈政治,演半截戏,停下来发表演说,看客居然喝彩。政客喜欢唱戏,不会唱两口西皮二黄的,就不算那个时代的官人。兴致高的,还花了大钱下海做票友。军人喜欢做文人,不穿军服,偏爱长袍马褂,跟文人诗酒唱和。文人喜欢谈兵,有机会就穿回戎装,挂上指挥刀,马上照相留念。

大人物都迷信武力统一,无论是袁世凯、段祺瑞还是吴佩孚,甚至包括孙中山。在北边的要统一,在南边的也想统一。但小一点的人物却想分治,搞联邦,联省自治,比如陈炯明和赵恒惕。想统一的,统一不了,想分治的,也分治不成。所以,那年月最大的问题是,国家实际上是分裂的,大军阀控制数省,大声吆喝,小军阀控制一个县,也自己当家。中央政府,政令不出都门,市场不统一,货币不统一,国家弱,政府穷,最穷的时候,连中央政府各部都发不出工资来,各个驻外使节,下旗回国——因为没有了经费。好不容易参战第一次世界大战,但作为战胜国的中国,在巴黎和会上却名列末等,只能派两个代表。自家的山东,被列强当成战利品争来争去,自己却说什么都不好使。更让人难堪的是战乱,上千个大小军阀,你打来,我打去,老百姓没有一个稳定的统治者。通商口岸还好,但是内地,则饱受战乱之苦。这样的国家,离仁人志士富国强兵的理想,实在太远。

要说好的,也有得说。资本家感觉,做生意挺容易,除了战乱,没有什么人干涉他们。教授和学生感觉也好,但凡提得起来的大学,无论国立、私立还是教会大学,个个像样,大学自治,教授治校,学术自由。他们感觉校长不像话,立马就可以起哄驱逐。一做了教授,就是总统来了也可以不理不睬,在课堂上爱怎么讲,就怎么讲,从不担心因为学术以外的原因被开了。报界的人士更是牛气,民国时期的牛记者,尽管在北洋末期被杀了两个,但那是真正牛气的时代,不管政要还是军阀,记者想骂,也就骂了。骂了之后人家给钱,收了钱还是骂。连国粹京剧,都是民国时期得到的光大,什么四大名旦,四小名旦,四大须生,都是民国人弄出来的好事。

总的来说,民国,尤其是北洋时期的民国,是个色彩斑斓的时代。人人都特立独行,有时特立得崇高,有时特立的猥琐。牛人被埋没不了,没人因为你牛而压制你,压也压不住。但凡有非常异议可怪之论的人物,或多或少都能得到一分尊重,除非,你只有程咬金的三板斧,后劲没了。各种各样的人,都有自己施展的舞台,但施展的前提,是你有这个本钱。这是个连小偷、流氓都有个性的年代,大家各有各的道,没有绝活,就别想混好。那个时代,中国有国际知名的学者,王国维、陈寅恪和陈垣。有丁文江和李四光。也有世界上叫得响的企业家范旭东、吴蕴初和卢作孚。教育家有蔡元培、蒋梦麟、张伯苓、陶行知。连名声不好的军人,也有上过时代周刊封面的吴佩孚。这个吴佩孚,晚年没落潦倒,但却从来不坠青云之志,一直牛哄哄。

民主受尊重的时代
议会自打成立之后,好像没做过什么事情。京里坊间传说,两院议员对于逛八大胡同比参政议政更有积极性,没事就泡在胡同里吃花酒,莺莺燕燕。但是,既没有人把他们的高额补贴取消,也没人敢于蔑视议会。实在不行,就换一个议会,但换了之后,议员还是在胡同里泡着。曹锟贿选,原本心里也没有贿选这回事,无非是公开付给议员的辛苦费,付费,是为了尊重议会,尊重议员。

记者在报上骂了当政者,骂也就骂了,当政者硬着头皮,装不知道。学生上街游行,抗议政府行为。不管做得多么过火,都欺负到警察头上了,就是不敢镇压。不是做不到,而是自己感觉不能做——因为现在是民国,民主政体。

但是,当时的人,分成两部分,一部分是大众,既包括底层的民众,也包括内地的乡绅,他们对民主没有感觉,没有认识。对于战乱,有切肤之痛,却没有多少发言权。另一部分上层人士,知识界人士,对战乱的感知相当弱,但发言权大,声音大。对民主的偏好,主要局限于他们。只是,他们对于民主的喜好,往往带有强烈的功利意味。这个时期,上层人士和知识界,真正的政治信仰,是进化论。无论推崇军国民主义(即后来的军国主义),还是联邦主义,社会主义,甚至无政府主义的,骨子里都是进化论。进化论顽固地相信历史的进步主义,笃信西方的民主制度是历史进步的产物,迷信西方历史的新事物。在那时,他们相信,只要坚持这个制度,坚持这个制度的信条,中国就能走到富国强兵的路上去。即使后来一部分知识界人士抛弃了资产阶级民主,也没有抛弃进化论,只是觉得发现了西方某些比现行的民主制度更好的东西,更为科学,更为民主的东西。

这样功利的民主追崇者,对于跟民主相伴的自由,多半都不怎么在意。五四新文化运动,本质上是一场文学运动,道德运动。投身运动的青年,开始最在意的是个性解放,个人自由。为了从传统家族中挣脱出来,他们为之奋不顾身地奋斗。但是,挣脱出家族绳索的青年,一旦赶上五四爱国运动,轮到自己为国家、为民族争利益的时候,就纷纷放弃了自己的自由,而且去强迫别人也放弃自由。在抵制日货的时候,自己可以不惜代价无条件放弃自己所有的日货,也逼着商贩这样做,不做,就抓人戴高帽子游街。像孙中山这样的大人物,则公开鼓吹人们为了国家民族的自由,放弃自己的自由,把自己的自由,融入到民族国家的自由中去。当然,这样也就没了自由。

没了自由,也就没有了民主。

民国从北洋到国民党统治时期,民主沿着下降线行进。越是后来者,走得越远,降得越低。但是,没有人会把共和的招牌放弃,没有人公然蔑视民主,谁都打民主牌。但大家却都在抽离自由,在民主中抽离自由。

毛泽东有文章曰“反对自由主义”,蒋介石也有类似的文章。两个对头,在自由问题上,其实观点十分相近。在反对自由的过程中,原先在民主旗帜下的个性就纷纷逃掉死掉,五光十色的人和事,变得整齐,也变得单一。最终,变成了一个色调。文革中,外国人来到中国,他们发现,这是一个蓝色和灰色的王国,连女孩子身上的衣服也不例外。

(来源:《新周刊》 采访:胡赳赳)

《我们为什么怀念民国那个乱世,归根结底在于两个字:自由》有118个想法

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